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- Senate amends referendum bill to require double majoritySenate amends referendum bill to require double majorityeng editor 1
The Senate voted on Monday (30 September) to amend the Referendum bill previously approved by the House of Representatives to require a double majority.
The 2021 Referendum Act also stipulated that passage required a ‘double majority’: a turnout of more than half of all eligible voters, at least half of whom vote in favour.
On 21 August, the House of Representatives passed a bill amending the Referendum Act so that a double majority is no longer required. The amendments were made on the grounds that requiring a double majority would impede referendums and allow those seeking a ‘no’ vote to easily organise a boycott. The bill was forwarded to the Senate, which voted to establish an ad hoc committee and review the draft within 60 days.
Senator Nantana Nantawaropas said on 25 September that the Senate ad hoc committee had overturned its previous resolution, voting instead to amend the bill so that a double majority is required.
Nantana noted that during the committee’s first four meetings, members said they agree with the amendments approved by the House of Representatives because requiring only a single majority is more feasible and realistic. However, going back to requiring a double majority would mean that referendums would fail without the required turnout.
Yesterday (30 September), the Senate voted 167 to 19, with 17 abstentions, to amend the bill so that a double majority is required. The bill will now be returned to the House, which will vote on whether to agree with changes made by the Senate.
Concerns have been raised that the process of amending the bill and, as a result, the Constitution could face significant delay, as it may take up to 6 months before the bill can be passed. If the House rejects the changes made by the Senate, a joint committee would be formed to find a solution within 60 days. The version of the bill put forward by the joint committee would need to be approved by both the House and the Senate. If it is not approved by both houses, it will be put on hold for 180 days and cannot be proposed again during this time. After the 180 days have lapsed, the House of Representatives may hold another vote to pass the original draft.
2 October 02 202411149 at http://prachataienglish.com - 28-year-old man jailed for royal defamation over social media post28-year-old man jailed for royal defamation over social media posteng editor 3
A 28-year-old man has been sentenced to prison for royal defamation over a 2021 post on X (formerly Twitter) about King Vajiralongkorn. He was later given a one-year suspended sentence on the grounds that he had never participated in any political protests.
Natthaphon (last name withheld) face charges under royal defamation law and Computer Crimes Act . filed at the Kho Hong Police Station, Songkhla Province, by Songchai Niamhom, leader of the ultra-royalist King Protection Group, which is active in the southern provinces. Members of the group are reported to have filed complaints, especially royal defamation charges, against several people, including a former Move Forward Party MP.
Natthaphon, who resides in Bangkok, travelled to the province to acknowledge the charges on 23 August 2023 where he denied all allegations. On 18 June, he was indicted. The indictment stated that on 19 August 2021, the defendant posted on his public account, “I heard it when I was a kid, a teacher gossiped about it. It turns out it is true,” and he also retweeted a post containing an image of the King before his ascension to the throne, with a defamatory message towards the King.
The Songkhla Provincial Court later granted him bail with 150,000 baht as security. Natthaphon decided to plead guilty during witness examination on 20 August.
The court on 1 October ruled that Natthaphon was guilty as charged, and his action constituted multiple offences. He was imprisoned under the royal defamation law, which carries the heaviest penalty. The court sentenced him to three years in prison, but due to his guilty plea, the sentence was reduced to one year and six months.
However, according to the police report, it was found that after the incident, the defendant submitted a petition requesting a royal pardon, and also expressed remorse for his action. In addition, he had never participated in political protests or any activities opposing the democratic regime with the King as head of state.
Natthaphon was given a one-year suspension. He was required to report to a probation officer four times during the suspension period and perform 24 hours of social service.
1 October 01 202411148 at http://prachataienglish.com - Bangkok Mass Transit Fails to Ease TrafficBangkok Mass Transit Fails to Ease Trafficeng editor 1
The expansion of the BTS and MRT has significantly improved urban mobility, but it’s costly and lacks proper connections. Clearly, these systems alone cannot fully resolve Bangkok’s traffic woes.
The Bangkok Mass Transit System, popularly known as the BTS and MRT, was inaugurated in 1999 with the primary goal of alleviating Bangkok’s notorious traffic congestion. Now, 25 years later, the system boasts 10 mass transit lines, 190 stations, and spans a total distance of 277 kilometres. Despite these advancements, Bangkok's traffic congestion remains a persistent issue.
Why? Can the expansion of BTS and MRT solve the problem, or is a broader strategy needed? The initial Sukhumvit and Silom lines, now iconic for their views of gridlocked traffic, highlight that the solution may require more than just adding transit infrastructure.
Homes Pushed Further Away from Work
Sirirung Srisitthipisarnpob, a 34-year-old labor rights advocate, relies on the BTS and MRT systems for her daily commute, a choice influenced by the rising cost of housing near public transit. When she and her husband were deciding where to live, they faced a tough decision: a more expensive condo close to a train station or a cheaper, detached house further out. They chose the latter, settling in Sai Ma, Nonthaburi, a suburb further from the main road and train lines.
For her commute, Sirirung relies on her husband to drop her off at Sai Ma MRT station on his motorcycle before he heads to his job at the Government Complex on Chaeng Wattana Road. Alternatively, she sometimes takes a motorcycle taxi to the station. From there, she travels on the purple and blue MRT lines to Sutthisan MRT station and finishes her journey with another motorcycle taxi to her workplace. Her round-trip commute costs approximately 200 baht a day, nearly half the minimum daily wage.
Beyond the expense, her commute is physically inconvenient. Transfers between MRT lines involve long walks, which are especially difficult during the rainy season. Despite these challenges, Sirirung chooses public transport for its reliability, avoiding Bangkok’s notorious traffic jams.
Expanding Transit, Rising Land Prices
Sirirung’s experience points to a broader issue: as mass transit lines expand, nearby land prices skyrocket, pushing people farther from their workplaces. What should be a solution to reduce reliance on cars has become a source of more vehicles on the road instead. Workers are gradually priced out of the areas near transit lines, and while public transport is an option, the convenience of private cars remains tempting.
This pattern isn’t new. In early 2024, the Agency for Real Estate Affairs reported that land prices around key BTS stations like Siam, Chidlom, and Ploenchit reached 3.75 million baht per square wah (about four square meters), up from 3.6 million baht the previous year. The rise in land values around transit lines is a consistent trend, further squeezing residents out.
It is happening now along the soon-to-be-completed Orange Line. Though still under construction, the 22.57-kilometre line, which will stretch from the Cultural Center to Min Buri, has already triggered a land rush. According to the Agency for Real Estate Affairs, land prices along Ramkhamhaeng Road have jumped from 50,000 to 200,000 baht per square wah to as high as 250,000 baht, driven by anticipation of the line’s opening.
The Treasury Department’s land appraisal for 2023-2026 shows that land prices along Ramkhamhaeng Road have risen between 6.25% and 40% over the past decade. This corridor has become a prime target for real estate developers eager to capitalise on the rising property values. As the Orange Line nears completion, price hikes will likely continue, pushing lower-income residents further from the city’s core.
In this regard, while mass transit expansion promises to ease congestion and improve mobility, it also exacerbates inequality. As new train lines reach city outskirts, they inflate land values, benefiting developers but forcing many residents to move farther away. For people like Sirirung, the trade-off is clear: longer commutes, higher costs, and a growing disconnect between their workplaces and residential communities.
BTS and MRT: Boosting Land Prices without Traffic Relief
As Pitch Pongsawat, an assistant professor at Chulalongkorn University’s Faculty of Political Science, observes, “The BTS and MRT systems are public projects, but their real impact is on land values."
It's well-documented that land prices skyrocket in areas served by these transit systems. As property values rise, so do housing costs and rents, forcing long-time residents to relocate to more distant suburbs, increasing the distance between where people live and where they work.
Those priced out of areas near the train routes often find themselves with no other option than to turn to private cars for their commutes—ironically worsening traffic rather than alleviating it.
Thailand's approach stands in stark contrast to Singapore’s, where the public sector not only develops housing clusters but also integrates mass transit lines directly through them. This ensures both accessibility for residents and a steady flow of passengers. In Singapore, transit lines are designed in tandem with urban development, a form of land planning that remains conspicuously absent in Thailand. Here, the critical link between infrastructure and the public it is supposed to serve is missing, leaving an unaddressed opportunity to truly transform the urban landscape.
Accessibility and Connectivity Issues
The commute from Charansanitwong, a neighbourhood in western Bangkok, highlights issues with the city's transit system. As Pitch notes, getting from there to the city center isn’t easy. The Blue Line loops outward, serving those leaving the city rather than heading directly into the central business district, forcing commuters to switch lines without saving time.
They also incur additional costs: those transferring lines must re-enter the system, making the overall fare much more expensive
And living near a BTS or MRT station doesn’t always make it the best choice for commuting.
The case of Sarinya Arunkhajornsakul, a Bangkok University lecturer, exemplifies this. Despite residing close to a metro train station, she drives her private car to work: the train ride takes longer, transferring lines is inconvenient, and the relatively high fares add up. For her, driving is not only faster and cheaper but more comfortable.
Pitch argues that accessibility and connectivity - things Bangkok’s transit system still has problems with - are needed before mass transit can alleviate traffic congestion.
“The issue in Thailand is that accessibility and connectivity aren’t working together,” he explains.
“You can see it—the mass transit lines don’t reach residential areas. When they do, land prices soar, forcing the poor to relocate and rely on cheaper transport. If someone lives near a station like BTS Khu Khot, on the northern outskirts of Bangkok … the commute should work but with fares around 200 baht daily, it’s unaffordable so people take minibuses instead. This creates a divide: some can afford access, while others can’t. And are we planning housing for everyone? If not, expanding transit lines will push vulnerable people even farther out.”
“The problem lies in our approach to transit planning. Are we just boosting land development without ensuring enough affordable housing nearby? High-rises are allowed, but with millions unable to secure loans, where can they live?”
Missed Connections
Saksith Chalermpong, a transport engineering lecturer at Chulalongkorn University, succinctly blames the problem on ‘neoliberalism’ - the privatisation of public utilities that are subsequently run for profit by private entities.
He feels that mass transport should be managed for the public by prioritising accessibility, convenience, and affordability. In his view the idea that buses, BTS, and MRT should operate without incurring losses is fundamentally flawed. He argues that the focus should instead be on determining acceptable levels of loss and identifying appropriate budgetary sources for subsidies. Misguided questions lead to misguided solutions. Ask the wrong questions, and the answers are also wrong.
But saying that the BTS and public transport cannot solve traffic problems because of the deep-rooted influence of neoliberalism on Thai state policy is such a broad answer that it feels like no answer at all. Saksith admits that many other issues are at work. He notes that Thailand’s approach to building mass transit is essentially ‘formless.’ Each line is treated as a separate project, disconnected from the others, without considering that mass transit is just one component of a public transport system that includes buses, boats, bike lanes, pedestrian pathways, and more. He also feels that the development of the public transport system must be done in tandem with urban development and land management—issues that pose major challenges here.
Unequal Access to Public Transportation
A 2020 study by Panupong Ratchatorn and Pathanin Buttamart analysing the distribution of train stations in greater metropolitan Bangkok found that city residents have unequal access to public transportation. Even with planned expansions, many areas, especially suburban zones, will still lack adequate access to mass transit services in the future.
The study suggests that adjusting bus routes to better cover areas outside the city center could significantly reduce this inequality. The rail system offers convenience and speed but geographic and budgetary constraints make it difficult for many to access. As a result, buses will continue to play a critical role in serving several regions. A balanced development of both systems is essential to sustainably address the disparities in transportation access.
The research echoes Saksith’s observation that Thailand’s mass transit projects have not been integrated with other public transportation systems, leaving the connectivity issue unresolved.
Is a 20-Baht Flat Fare Really the Solution?
Will the Transport Ministry’s plan to cap mass transit fares at 20 baht per trip boost ridership and reduce car use? At first glance, it seems like a clear yes. But the reality is more complex. Pitch raises a crucial question: even with lower fares, will it help people stay in the city? Many have already been priced out and face housing insecurity.
He adds that even with a 20-baht fare, someone commuting from BTS Khu Khot, spending two hours a day in transit, might not feel their cost of living has really dropped. “The real issue,” he argues, “is that we’re not asking if people can still afford to live in the city. Where the trains go, property values rise, but how many can afford that land? Even if they can, is work nearby? And we’re not even considering the pressure on communities being pushed further out.”
From a business angle, Saksith explains that cutting fares would require the state to compensate private companies. “If 500,000 riders generate 15 million baht a day, a 20-baht fare would bring in only 10 million. The state would have to cover the shortfall. But cheaper fares could push ridership to 700,000. So how do you compensate for that across multiple lines?”
Another concern is capacity. Lower fares will likely increase ridership, but can the system handle it? Could we just add more trains or increase frequency? “It’s not that simple,” Saksith clarifies. “Public transport demand peaks during rush hours. Building for that would mean excess capacity the rest of the day—it’s impractical.”
Who would benefit most from a 20-baht fare? Mainly those who already live near stations. Low income earners pushed to the outskirts of the city would gain little.
And is it fair? If the state subsidises trains, should it not also support other public transport? And should national taxes fund transport systems in Bangkok when rural areas still lack public transit?
Public Transport Must Operate at a Loss
Sirirung’s experience underscores Pitch’s critique that Thailand’s BTS and MRT system was designed without adequate consideration for middle-income and vulnerable groups. As a result, it has displaced many people from the city center, obliging them to commute back in.
These issues are compounded by the lack of a cohesive planning strategy that integrates the BTS/MRT network into the broader mass transit system. While the BTS and MRT system can be efficient and fast, it is also costly. Transferring to a bus to reach destinations not served by the train further complicates the journey, testing commuters’ patience and endurance.
The unreliability of Bangkok’s bus services—marked by inconsistent schedules, insufficient numbers of vehicles, and problematic routes—adds to the frustration. Long waits, buses skipping stops, and obstacles like taxis and tricycles blocking bus stops exacerbate the problem. Both Pitch and Saksith argue that buses must be a critical component of any solution to Bangkok’s traffic woes.
Are recent reforms to the bus system adequate to address the city’s traffic problems? Saksith does not think so: “It wasn’t reformed at all. The legal and organisational frameworks, as well as control mechanisms, remain unchanged from 40 years ago. The only changes are in routes, vehicles, and operators. Funding still relies on fares. Claims that BMTA and operators are operating at a loss underscore the lack of real reform. True reform would treat public transport as a public service, similar to hospitals and schools, which are not expected to be profitable. If the BMTA is still incurring losses, calling it a reform is misleading—it’s merely perpetuating the same neoliberal approach from decades ago.”
Pitch agrees, stating that, “buses must operate at a loss.”
But if bus companies operate at a loss, where will the funding to cover these losses come from?
BTS/MRT First, Buses Later: The Backwards Logic of Public Transit
Saksith thinks that mass urban transit should begin with buses, not rail systems. As demand for buses increases, improvements like double-decker buses, dedicated lanes, and priority signals should follow. Only when buses can no longer meet the demand should trains come into play.
“The use of the rail system would grow naturally with the city’s development, as businesses and transportation needs expand together,” he says.
In Thailand, we skipped buses entirely and jumped straight to building train lines, like the MRT Purple Line. The result? Low ridership and inefficient public transport. Now, efforts are being made to find feeders for the stations, but the lack of planning has led to poor returns on investment and no real impact on traffic congestion.
While it might seem too late, Saksith believes bus reform is still possible. He suggests the government contract private operators under strict guidelines, while providing necessary infrastructure. Inevitably, losses will occur, but these can be managed by using profits from high-demand routes to subsidise less crowded ones, alongside taxes and fees to balance the system.
Solutions and Issues of Fairness
Addressing traffic congestion and fairness involves revisiting the tax system and fee structures. Saksith points out that many cities, like those in Europe, charge fees for driving into congested city centres. In Singapore, a car ownership license costs as much as the vehicle itself, a strategy designed to limit the number of cars and promote public transport use. Revenue from these fees helps fund public buses.
For Bangkok Mass Transit System, a proposed solution is to implement a windfall tax on landowners who benefit from increased land values due to train projects. This tax revenue could then be used to subsidise BTS and MRT, buses, and other forms of public transport.
These suggestions address some of the existing issues but do not tackle more complex challenges such as urban planning, land reform, or restructuring train concessions, which require significant political will.
As Pitch notes, it is unreasonable to think that BTS and MRT alone can solve traffic congestion without additional supportive policies.
Traffic, PM 2.5, and the Silent Killer in Bangkok
Bangkok's traffic doesn't just hurt the economy—it also severely impacts the environment and public health. A 2023 report by Rocket Media Lab shows that the city had only 31 days of "good" air quality, a number that’s been steadily declining since 2021. In contrast, there were 78 days, or 21.43% of the year, with air quality bad enough to affect vulnerable groups, and 14 hazardous red-level days—three more than in 2022.
Rocket Media Lab also highlighted that Bangkok’s average PM 2.5 level in 2023 was equivalent to smoking 1,370 cigarettes over the year—an increase of 154 cigarettes compared to 2022.
But what’s causing this rise?
Nipon Puapongsakorn, from the Thailand Development Research Institute (TDRI), points to traffic emmisions, especially from diesel vehicles, as a major source of PM 2.5 pollution. In December 2023, Bangkok had 11.99 million vehicles, with 27.37% running on diesel. Many are over a decade old, contributing heavily to pollution.
Reducing cars on the road sounds like an obvious solution, but it's far from simple. Despite the city's ten mass transit lines, congestion—and pollution—persist.
Addressing this long-term crisis requires not only a Clean Air Act but also a more comprehensive approach to traffic that connects all dimensions of the problem.Additional reporting by Pongpan Chumjai and Pattaraporn Phongamphai. The production of this investigation was supported by a grant from Earth Journalism Network’s STRIDES project.
30 September 30 202411147 at http://prachataienglish.com - Three Decades Later, Promise of Local Autonomy Remains UnfulfilledThree Decades Later, Promise of Local Autonomy Remains Unfulfilledeng editor 1
As civil society renews calls for greater autonomy through 'metropolitan provinces,' the government’s leading party has proposed the return of CEO governors, while support grows for local governance reform. Both paths are now stalled by the same enduring obstacle: political inertia.
11 years ago in October 2013, the Chiang Mai Metropolitan Administration Act was submitted to Parliament. Proposed by Chamnan Chanreang of the Midnight University, the law aimed to promote self-determination, enhance transparency, restructure the tax system, and serve as a model for other provinces like Pattani, Rayong, and Phuket. By granting greater autonomy to the provinces, this legislation could have ended centuries of political centralization in Bangkok and significantly reduced bureaucratic duplication. Over 10,000 signatures were gathered in support of the initiative.
The Chiang Mai Self-Management Driving Coalition, a civil society group, championed the draft law based on the Self-Reliant Communities concept introduced by Sawing Tan-ud and Chatchawan Thongdeelert in 2008, which evolved into Self-Managed Provinces by 2013. However, the draft was shelved after the May 2014coup led by Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha. Later in June, the coalition and civil society networks from 15 northern provinces gathered at the Chiang Mai City Arts and Cultural Centre to demand decentralization. After reading their statement, ten leaders were arrested and taken to the 33rd Military Circle at Kawila Camp in Chiang Mai. This incident highlights not only the suppression of dissent but also political interference in decentralization efforts.
Soldiers detain leaders of the civil society network who gathered to express their stance on decentralization on 24 June 2014, at the Chiang Mai City Arts and Cultural Centre
Ten years later, military control has diminished, and calls for reform have resurfaced. As Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha stepped down, discussions about decentralization emerged following the 2019 general election. On 22 May 2022, coinciding with the Bangkok gubernatorial election, the Chiang Mai gubernatorial election campaign network held a mock election, reigniting calls for reform. Inspired by "Chadchart Fever," the enthusiasm for Bangkok’s elected governor, Chadchart Sittipunt, many locals expressed a desire for their own elected governors, with key figures like Thanet Charoenmuang, Chamnan Chanruang, and Chatchawan Thongdeelert participating.
The campaign network submitted a draft of the Chiang Mai Metropolitan Administration Act to Padipat Suntiphada, the Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives at the time. Similar to an earlier version from 2013, this draft aims to decentralize budgetary powers and introduce the election of a Chiang Mai governor. While it may not be flawless, as an academic has noted, if implemented effectively, it could serve as a pioneering model for Chiang Mai and other major provinces. However, the government’s leading party has a different vision in mind.
Pheu Thai’s proposal
The election campaign network for the Chiang Mai governor organized a simulated election for the Chiang Mai governor in parallel with the Bangkok governor election on 22 May 2022.
By the 2023 general election, decentralization policies had emerged as a key issue for many political parties. The Move Forward Party proposed electing governors nationwide, while the Pheu Thai Party advocated elections in select provinces. Following the Constitutional Court verdict, the Move Forward Party (now the People’s Party after its dissolution) was barred from forming a government and became the opposition leader. The return of a Pheu Thai-led government signals a revival of previous ideas.
Under the Pheu Thai-led government, there was an effort to revive the concept of CEO governors, originally introduced by Thaksin Shinawatra in the 2000s. Thaksin, with his business background, famously stated in November 1997, "A company is a country. A country is a company." After winning the 2001 election, he empowered provincial governors with greater authority over budgets, personnel, and management, requiring them to set clear performance indicators. However, this policy was terminated following the 2006 coup.
Under former Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin, the concept of CEO governors was reintroduced to Parliament on 6 September 2023 as part of the government’s policy statement. Trials will be conducted in five pilot provinces, each showcasing a flagship policy: Chiang Rai will focus on clean air, Khon Kaen on the digital economy, Buriram on combating informal loans, Ubon Ratchathani on the border economy, and Phetchaburi on waste management. The “Tell State Through Us” platform will enable citizens to participate in setting goals and indicators. While the CEO governor idea appears bold, it also has several shortcomings.
Prof. Dr. Thanet Charoenmuang, a political science scholar, and an advocate for decentralization
According to Prof. Dr. Thanet Charoenmuang, a political science academic at Chiang Mai University, there is an old saying that provincial governors are "hosts, drinkers, and airport watchers," making a living by appeasing their superiors for budgets, promotions, or the status quo due to their limited authority. While the implementation of a CEO governor could improve provincial governance, the fundamental issue persists: locals may have a voice, but they lack control over the outcome. Although their opinions might be considered, final decisions would still rest with central authorities, leaving them unable to elect their own governor—if the idea is implemented at all.
Asst. Prof. Chalinee Sonphlay from Thammasat University observed that the Pheu Thai Party has struggled to advance significant ideas due to its lack of strong leadership and dependence on coalition support. Anutin Charnvirakul, the Minister of the Interior from the Bhumjaithai Party, raised concerns that decentralization must ensure proper budget allocation. After Srettha was ousted by a Constitutional Court ruling in August, new Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra did not mention CEO governors in her policy statement to Parliament, focusing on digital government instead.
This shift in focus has left questions about the direction of decentralization unanswered, with key reforms seemingly deprioritized. The future of decentralization—or even a different form of centralization—remains mired in political inertia.
Three decades of disruption
Over the past three decades, decentralization efforts have seen limited success due to obstruction from the central authorities, particularly the Ministry of Interior. Additionally, ongoing political uncertainties and recurring military coups continue to overshadow these efforts.
During the Black May incident of 1992, one of the key demands of protesters seeking to oust Gen Suchinda Kraprayoon's military government was the nationwide election of provincial governors. Prior to this, politicians, academics, and the public had already called for change. Leaders of the movement, including Thanet Charoenmuang, former MP Thawin Praison, and former Deputy Minister Agriculture and Cooperatives Udon Tantisunthorn, advocated the public's right to elect provincial governors and greater autonomy in self-governance.
The campaign garnered significant public attention, particularly in Chiang Mai, where activities were held to raise local awareness. The Democrat Party, a progressive party at the time, made the election of provincial governors its top campaign promise for the general election in September, sparking hope for local political change. After the coalition government was formed, a lack of political will hindered further action. However, the campaign’s momentum was also stalled by the entrenched bureaucracy.
In response to this campaign pressure, the Ministry of Interior—known for protecting its own power—proposed elections for Presidents of Provincial Administrative Organizations as separate positions from provincial governors. Scholars viewed this as a tactic to avoid provincial governor elections, a key mechanism for the Ministry's exercise of authority. Rather than losing its influence, the Ministry sought to keep decentralization aligned with its interests.
In a move seen as a tactic to divert attention from calls for provincial governor elections, the Ministry appointed women as governors and deputy governors in early 1993. Since then, few female provincial and deputy governors have been appointed. The appointment of the first Muslim female governor attracted some attention briefly in 2022. As of June 2024, there are only two female provincial governors on the Ministry of Interior’s list.
When the 1997 Constitution, widely regarded as a pinnacle of Thai democracy, was being drafted in the 1990s, the framework for Local Administrative Organizations (LAOs) was also developed. In 1994, sub-districts with revenues exceeding 150,000 baht were permitted to upgrade to Sub-district Administrative Organizations (SAOs). By 1997, Provincial Administrative Organizations (PAOs) were officially established, evolving from provincial advisory bodies created in 1933, thanks to the advocacy of the Federation of Provincial Council Members of Thailand.
Despite this, LAOs remain under the Ministry of Interior and must follow its guidelines. Their authority often overlaps with that of provincial governors, complicating operations. There are growing calls for the transfer of power, but so far these have not been sufficiently addressed. Additionally, PAO revenues are low compared to SAOs or municipalities due to overlapping revenue collection areas, which weakens their position against appointed governors. This situation looks like the deliberate result of a divide and rule tactic.
The 1999 Decentralization to Local Government Organizations Act required the central government to allocate 35% of revenues to LAOs by 2006. However, after the 2006 coup, the National Legislative Assembly reduced this to 25%, allowing for a gradual increase to at least 35% without a set deadline. Twenty-six years after the Act, in the 2025 fiscal year (October 2024 to September 2025), the central government allocates only 29.07% to LAOs, a mere 0.01% increase from the previous year. This amount actually decreased from 29.81% in fiscal year 2023.
Coups have consistently impeded decentralization efforts. Following the 2006 coup, budget allocations slowed, and the term of office for village headmen and sub-district chiefs was changed from 4 years to until age 60, like civil servants. The 2014 coup stalled the Chiang Mai Metropolitan Administration Act and halted progress on proposed reforms. Given the current political inertia, reforming local governance seems unlikely. As long as the political landscape remains stagnant, meaningful decentralization and local empowerment will continue to be suppressed.
30 September 30 202411146 at http://prachataienglish.com - Chukiat Sakveerakul: Taklee Genesis, confronting the past and envisioning the futureChukiat Sakveerakul: Taklee Genesis, confronting the past and envisioning the futureeng editor 1
Time travel, warp-speed technology, kaiju monsters, and the relics of the US military presence in Thailand all feature in Taklee Genesis, a new film by director Chukiat Sakveerakul.
The film follows single mother Stella (Paula Taylor) and her daughter Valen (Nutthacha Padovan). Summoned back to her hometown by a childhood friend to care for her sick mother, an old radio gives Stella a message from her father, an American officer who went missing 30 years ago after travelling into a forbidden forest. To bring him back, she was instructed to visit an old US radio station in Udon Thani and use the titular machine, a warp-speed teleporter left behind by the US military after the Vietnam War, to travel through time and space.
Paula Taylor as Stella (Picture from Taklee Genesis final trailer)
Chukiat made his cinema debut 20 years ago with the horror film Pisaj, but is mostly known for Love of Siam, a romantic drama about the relationship between two young men. Science fiction is rare in Thai cinema, and Taklee Genesis has been noted for being nothing like his previous films. It was met with criticism since the release of the first teaser, and has received mixed reviews since it arrived in the cinema.
Known as a maker of romantic dramas, Chukiat said he has always been interested in science fiction. He wanted to do something he has never done before, he said, and Taklee Genesis is the kind of film he was not sure if he would ever get the chance to make.
Prachatai English spoke with Chukiat about Taklee Genesis, making a sci-fi film from Thai history, and his hopes of the future of Thai cinema.
Confronting the past
(Picture from Taklee Genesis final trailer)
Taklee Genesis spans thousands of years, from the pre-historic Ban Chiang settlement to the 1970’s at a university in the middle of a massacre and Udon Thani 200 years in the future, where a group of young rebels hide in an old building from the forces of the central government.
Chukiat said he wanted to tell the story of what comes after the Vietnam War, when the US was using Thailand as the location of several military bases, and the lingering relics of the Cold War. The film is particularly haunted by the 6 October 1976 Thammasat University Massacre, a crackdown by police and lynchings by right-wing paramilitaries and bystanders of leftist student protesters which resulted in the deaths of at least 40 people.
Chukiat said that people often asked him if he was afraid of including this often unmentioned piece of Thai history in his film, but he asked what he has to fear when it was a historical event that happened. People also should not forget the price that was paid for the freedom they now have, he said.
“The 6 October event is a major wound,” Chukiat said. “I don’t mean to trample over it or bring it back up, but whenever we forget, the cycle will always return. I feel that if people are aware of and can see where the event started, it will help keep it from happening again in the future. It will help lead to negotiation, help restrain thinking, and find a new way out for conflicts that could happen in the future. I think there is no deeper wound than that event.”
“Our future has always been killed”
When asked if presenting a cycle of repression would make the film seem hopeless, Chukiat said that there is still hope. The film is an exaggerated picture of a cycle that has been happening in Thai history, he said, showing that if we don’t work for change, this cycle will come back for the future generation.
“Our future has always been killed and repressed,” he said.
Chukiat said he was working on the script when the student protests that began in 2020 were still ongoing and young activists were harassed and imprisoned, and that he would like the film to remind people of them.
“In every era, there are going to be people who rise up to fight for a better world. Even if we lose today, we still have to encourage people with the same ideals who still think that someday the world will get better, so don’t become the kind of adults you don’t like,” he said.
Asked if he is worried about becoming the kind of adult he doesn’t like, Chukiat said he is trying not to become one. He acknowledged that he disagrees with some methods used by the younger generation, noting that he believes negotiation is the best way forward, but he still thinks that he would have done the same when he was younger. Taklee Genesis would be an angrier film if he had made it as a young filmmaker, he said, or it could be so radical that nobody would fund it.
Where is the future of Thai cinema?
(Picture from Taklee Genesis final trailer)
Taklee Genesis has both been praised and criticized for being ambitious, and taunted for underperforming in the box office. Nevertheless, Chukiat said he does not feel the pressure, since criticism is not something he can control. Meanwhile, he said, the screening rights for Taklee Genesis have been sold in at least 70 countries, as well as to streaming platforms.
For Chukiat, the future of Thai cinema is elsewhere. He noted that Thai audiences might not like sci-fi, but he wanted to make a film that could put Thai films in the global spotlight. It is good to be ambitious, he said, noting that criticizing people for their ambition could mean that the next generation of filmmakers will be too afraid to think outside the box.
“If I’m not ambitious and trying to find a way out and looking to other markets and still making our films, let me ask you how we’re going to live? If you don’t let people be ambitious about thinking something new or doing something new, are you telling them to kill themselves?” he asked.
Thai drama series are dying, and films are going nowhere, he said. Television broadcasters no longer want to start filming new series as the fall in the number of advertisers means that they are forced to turn to other methods, like buying advertisements on social media platforms. However, this means that very little money is going back to the people who work at these TV channels and fewer jobs are available. Chukiat noted that series makers could turn to streaming platforms, but these platforms do not fund as many productions as broadcasters and are doing so on a much smaller scale.
Meanwhile, he said, the number of Thai filmmakers is dwindling. Not a lot of people now want to make films for the big screen, and making things for streaming means that most of the money goes to the platform. Although he said that there are many good Thai films this year that are making money in the box office, theatres in Thailand are run by a very few chains which have the power to arrange programmes as they see fit, meaning that some films need to rely on word of mouth to stay in theatres.
And while Chukiat said that theatre chains have the right to do whatever they need to run their business, he said that some measures need to be put in place to make it fair. These measures could be tax-related or a Thai film quota, he said, but there needs to be a discussion among stakeholders about what these measures will be. It would also be better, he said, if there were more theatres so audiences would have more options.
For Chukiat, Taklee Genesis is a personal success in that he gets to do something outside of the box. At the very least, he is happy he gets to make something people may not have imagined a Thai filmmaker could make.
“For me, I’m happy that I get to bring my film to this point and it opens many doors for people who have imagination, who have vision, and who want to do something like this too. I believe that soon there will be someone else to make a film in this genre, and they will do it better than me. They will take Thai cinema further than I can. I’m happy that I get to make this film. I’m proud of it, and I’m proud of everyone who helped make it.”
30 September 30 202411145 at http://prachataienglish.com - The Last Breath of Sam Yan wins Suphannahong AwardThe Last Breath of Sam Yan wins Suphannahong Awardeng editor 1
The Last Breath of Sam Yan, a documentary about an effort by students and residents in Bangkok’s Sam Yan neighbourhood to protect a Chinese shrine from demolition, has won a Suphannahong National Film Award for best documentary of 2023.
The documentary was directed by Prempapat Plittapolkranpim and produced by activist Netiwit Chotiphatphaisal and Settanant Thanakitkoses, a Chulalongkorn University student. It tells the story of the Saphan Lueang Mazu Shrine and its ‘resident’ Chinese goddess of the sea. Both are at risk of being removed by the Chulalongkorn University Property Management team (PMCU) which plans to build a condominium project on the site. When the shrine’s caretaker refused to move out, PMCU brought a lawsuit for 122 million baht in damages. The eviction effort sparked a student movement to support the shrine’s preservation.
After the award ceremony, Netiwit posted on his Facebook page that the Saphan Luang Mazu Shrine was now well-known nationally and overseas. He also called on Chulalongkorn University to stop trying to remove the shrine and destroy local community traditions.
Netiwit said that the documentary was produced when he was in Chulalongkorn University’s Faculty of Political Sciences and Settanant was studying in the Faculty of Arts. The production team was comprised of communications students. Funding came from selling books through his publishing house.
“It shows that stories in our communities are important, that there are things close to us that we should pay attention to and not neglect,” Netiwit wrote.
He thanked the students and citizens who campaigned against the shrine’s removal and said he hopes that the movement for better communities around Chulalongkorn University and across the country will become stronger.
The Saphan Lueang Mazu Shrine is still standing, now surrounded by a construction site. For students seeking spiritual support, it has become a popular spot to pray to a goddess referred to as “A-ma,” or Grandmother in the local Teochew dialect, for good fortune during examinations or when searching for jobs.
In August 2023, a court ruled in favour of PMCU for the shrine’s removal. The shrine caretaker has filed for appeal.
30 September 30 202411144 at http://prachataienglish.com - Freedom Bridge project launched to support Thai political prisonersFreedom Bridge project launched to support Thai political prisonerseng editor 1
The Freedom Bridge project was officially launched yesterday (26 September) to provide support for Thai political prisoners and their families which face related economic and psychological impacts.
The launch event at the Foreign Corespondents' Club of Thailand (Photo by Chanakarn Laosarakham)
Pathomporn Kaewnoo, a representative of the project, said that in assisting political prisoners and their families, she learned about the poor quality of prison life. As for prisoners’ families, many lost their breadwinners and now face economic problems and have to deal with restrictive prison visitation rules.
52 people are in prison on charges relating to political expression. 42 were detained on charges stemming from the 2020 protests. The remaining 10 were detained earlier, under the military’s National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) regime. Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) reports that the public prosecutor has yet to rule whether to indict defendants in some 57 cases. Another 98 cases are now in court waiting a verdict. According to Pathomporn, the indicted are likely to be denied bail and courts are likely to find many of them guilty.
She believes that without an amnesty bill, the number of political prisoners is likely to increase, making it probable that current volunteer assistance efforts will be unable to accommodate the rising numbers. She said she used to work with a group of volunteers that provided essential goods for prisoners. They were unable to reach everyone, in part because different prisons have different rules about purchasing goods for detainees. In some, anyone can make purchases, but in others, only people on a detainee’s 10-person visitors list could do so. Volunteers asking to be added to the list could also be denied if prison management questioned their relationship with the detainee.
Some people also found themselves unexpectedly detained after being denied bail, Pathomporn said. Some are the principal caregivers for aging parents and young children, and some are detained at a prison in Bangkok when their families are in other provinces. This means that the families of detainees also need support, from money for childcare to assistance in seeking medical care.
The Freedom Bridge project aims to provide financial support for political prisoners and their families by purchasing food, water, and essential supplies. It also aims to provide their families with financial assistance for things like school tuition. The hope is to alleviate the suffering of families that have lost breadwinners to political imprisonment.
The project will raise funds through an account under the Right to Justice Foundation. Pathomporn said that a temporary account was previously set up in the name of human rights lawyer Anon Nampa, now detained on several royal defamation charges. The account was run by Anon’s family members, who act as intermediaries. The plan now is to create a more systematic, comprehensive, and sustainable mechanism for raising funds and delivering support. Pathomporn hopes this will make people more comfortable donating to the fund.
The project’s second mission is to document the living conditions of political prisoners, both to ensure that the assistance provided meets the needs of those affected and to advocate for political prisoners’ rights.
27 September 27 202411143 at http://prachataienglish.com - Activists fined for Bhumjaithai Party protestActivists fined for Bhumjaithai Party protesteng editor 1
5 activists from the Thalufah group have been fined over a protest on 30 July 2021, when they splashed paint in front of the Bhumjaithai Party headquarters while demanding that the party leave the government coalition.
Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) reported that Jatupat Boonpattararaksa, Chitrin Phalakantrong, Panadda Sirimasakul, Songpol Sonthirak, and Nawapol Tonngam were found guilty yesterday (24 September) of violating the Emergency Decree, blocking a public road, and vandalism. Panadda, Songpol ,and Nawapol were also found guilty of using a sound amplifier without permission.
The charges resulted from a protest on 30 July 2021, when Thalufah activists went to the Bhumjaithai Party headquarters to submit a letter demanding that the party withdraw from the government coalition over its management failure. No representative from the party came to receive the petition, so the activists placed stickers and threw bags of red paint around the entrance to the headquarters.
On 9 August 2021, while Jatupat was turning himself in at Thung Song Hong Police Station on another charge, the police arrested Jatupat, Songpol, Nawapol, and Chitrin over charges relating to the 30 July 2021 protest. Nawapol, Chitrin, and Songpol were later granted bail, but Jatupat was detained for 48 days before he was granted bail.
Jatupat and Chitrin were handed fines of 8000 baht each, while Panadda, Songpol, and Nawapol were fined 8,200 baht each. However, since Jatupat had already been detained, he did not have to pay his fine since the court considers 1 day in detention to be equal to 500 baht in fine.
26 September 26 202411142 at http://prachataienglish.com - Supreme Court denies bail for activist wearing “Lost Faith” shirtSupreme Court denies bail for activist wearing “Lost Faith” shirteng editor 3
The Supreme Court has denied bail for an activist charged with royal defamation for wearing a shirt with the message “I have lost faith in the monarchy,” and sentenced him to six years in prison.
Tiwagorn Withiton, a 48-year-old pro-democracy activist, was charged with royal defamation, sedition, and violation of the Computer Crimes Act for posting messages in February 2020. The posts called on the monarchy to stop using the royal defamation law and demanded the release of political detainees, and he also posted a picture of himself wearing a white t-shirt with the message “I have lost faith in the monarchy.”
According to Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR), after posting the picture, Tiwagorn revealed that he was visited by a dozen plainclothes officers from the Internal Security Operation Command. He said they asked him not to wear the shirt, repeatedly asserting that it would cause chaos within the country.
On the following month, he was arrested and forcibly admitted to Khon Kaen Rajanagarindra Psychiatric Hospital, He was discharged on 22 July 2020 after a public campaign calling for his release. He was arrested again on 4 March 2021 and taken to Tha Phra Police Station in Khon Kaen and charged for the Facebook posts he made.
In September 2022, the Khon Kaen Provincial Court dismissed charges against Tiwagorn because the evidence did not prove that the defendant intended to defame or express hostility to the monarchy.
However, the Appeal Court overturned the acquittal, ruling that he intended to defame the King by posting a picture of himself wearing the shirt and inviting people to buy the shirt, and because people were leaving comments on his posts which were defamatory against the King.
The Appeal Court found Tiwagorn guilty of royal defamation and violation of the Computer Crimes Act and sentenced him to nine years in prison (three years for each offence). The sentence was reduced to six years due to his useful testimony. However, it found him not guilty of sedition because there was no evidence that he was trying to incite people to violate the law.
On 24 September, TLHR reported that Tiwagorn’s lawyer had filed a bail request with the Supreme Court with 500,000 baht as security, arguing that the Region 3 Appeal Court had granted two activists in the previous case bail and Tiwagorn has elderly parents to take care of.
The Supreme Court upheld the Appeal Court’s verdict, saying there was no reason to change the initial ruling. Tiwagorn has been detained at the Khon Kaen Special Correctional Institution for 43 days since the Appeal Court sentenced him to prison.
25 September 25 202411141 at http://prachataienglish.com - Marriage Equality Act signed into lawMarriage Equality Act signed into laweng editor 1
The Marriage Equality Act, which amends sections of the Civil and Commercial Code concerning marriage and family to allow marriage registration regardless of gender, has been signed into law.
Colloquially known as the Marriage Equality Act, the landmark legislation amends the Civil and Commercial Code, using “spouse” in place of “husband” and “wife” and “person” instead of “man” and “woman” to allow for gender-neutral marriage registrations. All existing legislation relating to “husbands” and “wives” will subsequently apply to legally-married spouses. The Act also raises the age at which a person can legally marry from 17 to 18, in line with international children’s rights principles. The amendments make Thailand the first Southeast Asian country to recognize marriage for all.
The Act was published in the Royal Gazette on 24 September after King Vajiralongkorn signed it into law. It comes with a 120-day moratorium to accommodate the changes, which means that LGBTQ couples will be able to register their marriage in January 2025.
The bill was approved by parliament on 27 March and passed its first Senate reading on 2 April. On 18 June, the Senate voted 130 to 4, with 18 abstentions, to approve the bill in its final reading.
24 September 24 202411140 at http://prachataienglish.com